In the Alto Amazonas, between the winding Huallaga and Marañón rivers near the basins of their tributaries, lie the indigenous Shawi towns. Delving into these forests and the Peruvian Amazon is not just a physical act; it is to deepen and immerse oneself in the worldview that inhabits these places. And although it may seem complex, it is rather an organic action of the environment. Nature is a significant and essential part of their being and existence, which leads to explaining and interpreting the world around them differently, forming the foundation of their culture and heritage. It is their responsibility to observe, know, and interpret it. In these interconnections, animism occurs as the backbone of the Amazonian worldview, a belief based on the idea that any human or non-human agent contains a soul or spirit, life, and consciousness (Olórtegui Sáenz, 2016). 

"Nature is life and life speaks, but many have forgotten to listen to it. If we do not hear each other among humans, we will hardly hear the message of the trees, the birds, the animals, or the water." (Conclusions of the Meeting of Indigenous Peoples, 2008). 

They listen, but they do not just listen; they also attend and understand it. They respect its times, its seasons, and its care. 

It is hot; it is August and the harvest of some crops was about to end. In the everyday life of Nuevo Progreso, one of the communities of the Shawi peoples, where we had the pleasure of being invited by Dr. Carol Zavaleta's team and her Biokusharu project, an important event was to take place: obtaining what nature offers them: food and soul. 

Harvests are a reason for celebration. Agriculture and water are pillars for the Shawi peoples, fundamental to understanding their ecosystem. What is obtained is a gift for maintaining harmony with their surroundings (Chanchari Lancha et al., 2012). When we talk about land, the protagonists are the roots and tubers, present in their daily lives.

Chacra of the Nuevo Progreso community

Hands harvesting in the Nuevo Progreso community

Harvest of purple cassava in the Nuevo Progreso community

Without a doubt, the essential cassava (Manihot esculenta) is their staple food and that of much of Latin America, Asia, and Africa, being the fifth most produced crop worldwide dedicated to human consumption (Otálora et al., 2024). Domesticated over 10,000 years ago on the southern edge of the Amazon basin, cassava is considered a staple food as it constitutes the daily diet of the Shawi people. As a rich source of carbohydrates, it provides a significant portion of energy in their diet (Wooding & Payahua, 2022). But to be honest, it is more than a staple food. Its value transcends purely nutritional: it is a central element of community life that takes on meaning in different layers of depth. A bond that is reinforced every time it is planted, harvested, or prepared.

And if there is something in common among the countries and communities that share this food, it is their manner of use and preparation techniques. Mainly, due to the toxicological characteristics of this root, the prior step to any subsequent preparation is boiling. Cassava contains linamarin, a chemical compound that has the capability to release cyanide and be toxic. For these reasons, it is advisable to boil it to eliminate high concentrations of this toxin and ensure the safety of its consumption (Castro-Moreira et al., 2021). If desired, it could also be fried, roasted, made into flours, or traditional alcoholic drinks like masato.

It is early. We arrive at the home of Isidro Chanchari, a herbalist and wise man of the community, to introduce ourselves and explain the reason for being there. His son-in-law and daughter Yeny are also present. I notice his hands dyed the same color as his face. Huito, they said. A fruit from which, if grated, a bluish-black pigment is obtained, used as a natural dye for aesthetic and identity purposes, but also ceremonially or protectively.

They welcome us and accommodate us in their common area. Fernanda Huiñapi, a woman, mother, and wife, appears shortly after; without prior notice, she serves us, in a beautiful pottery called mocahua, abundant masato. Receiving this substance is not just an act of drinking; it is receiving sustenance both physically and culturally. It is an act of welcome, recognition, and hospitality that invites you to inclusion in the community. 

Before handing us the mocahua, I observe the previous process of the masato.  She strains the mixture and serves it, not before removing the floating fibers left by the cassava. She delicately cleans the edge with her thumb and index finger and extends the mocahuas to us. There is a reason behind each gesture and detail. So I wonder if there is also an order in serving the masato and a social structure around this drink. And that skirt Fernanda is wearing? Does the reddish color she wears have something to do with it? I imagine there will be enough time to answer all these questions swirling in my head.

Now in my hands, I observe it. In front of me, a peculiar and intense purple color. Until then, I thought this drink could have a range of colors that shifted from white to yellow, depending on the ingredients used. For that same reason, I knew that the abundance of products according to their harvest led to other variants of masato, as happened at this time with the purple cassava masato. And cassava, of course. Junior, son of Isidro and Fernanda, collaborator of the Biokusharu project, and also a communicative link between the women and us, tells us that in his community, on special occasions, masato is made with germinated corn, pijuayo, and even with leaves and fruit of sugarcane, typical of the San Juan Bautista festivities.

Purple cassava used in making masato

Grating process of pink sweet potato to add in making masato

Initially acidic, creamy, and oily in texture. Slightly sweet and full-bodied. Alcoholic and effervescent, but not prickly. Characteristic fermentation; apparently mild. With earthy notes and fermented dough. A first sip convinces me. It is enough to continue exploring such a range of colors, preparations, and the women and mothers behind each fermentation. 

To talk about masato is to talk about how this brew transforms mainly from cassava into alcohol. And how human ingenuity sharpens when resources do not guarantee food safety. Drinking water is not always a resource that everyone can enjoy. Because of these circumstances, a substitute form of consumption may have arisen as a safe and nutritious source of hydration (Jimenez et al., 2022). Masato nourishes body and soul. Perhaps because it is both. And in that collaboration provided by nature between the initial food, fermentation, the bacteria, and yeasts that follow, the water, the mocahuas, and the crafting hands bridge the earthly and spiritual aspects of the environment, with masato and alcohol acting as mediators and messengers between both dimensions. A bridge commonly extended throughout history that intertwines the ingestion of alcohol and the connection with deities (Santos Granero, 2018). 

Already in the communal space, we meet the women and mothers who would participate in this gathering. Mater presents herself to them and the community authorities to start the day. We have a few hours of heat and intense work ahead of us. Before heading to the chacra, we share conversations about masato. Observing firsthand how the consumption of this drink occurs in the community, I ask everything that piques my curiosity. 

The questions arise spontaneously while Fernanda, Santusa, Sabina, and Norith serve us one after another without the possibility of refusal. Suddenly, I find myself with five mocahuas overflowing with masato, each more distinct than the last. Added to Fernanda's purple cassava masato were four more surprises for my palate. I ask about the days they let it ferment and whether they chew it or not. There is a noticeable alcoholic difference in those that are chewed: they are strong and have character, the kind that makes you close one eye in their presence. The fermentation varies between 24 and 72 hours, with 24 and 48 hours being the most common in the record I make of both communities.

Four distinct varieties of masato according to their maker from the Nuevo Progreso community

Masato from the 10th of August community

The chemistry of masato reflects its balance between nature and wisdom. Cassava, but also grated sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) or purple cassava (Dioscorea trifida L.) are essential raw materials for transforming into this brew. These starchy roots are made up of long chains of sugars that resist fermentation (Ellix Katz, 2003). To release these fermentable sugars and let the magic (of fermentation) happen, the starch chains must first be broken down by amylase enzymes present in the saliva of their wise makers. Each woman and protector of her recipe has her technique, her fermentation period, or the use of different ingredients. Therefore, over time, the use of saliva is not an essential rule for making masato. Other techniques and foods can also take on the production of amylases, opening up a world of possibilities around the concept of masato.

More specifically, to be masateado (a term that refers to becoming intoxicated with masato), a fermentation process must occur, vital for obtaining alcohol volume in the final result. This all begins in the chacra. After planting and harvesting, a role of the Shawi women and mothers, they peel the cassavas in the chacra itself and wash them in the creek before reaching their homes. With the firewood lit, they place the white or yellow cassavas in the pot for cooking. Meanwhile, they grate white, yellow, pink, or purple sweet potatoes according to the taste and personality of each maker. On special occasions, they add germinated corn or boiled purple cassava. 

Peeled cassavas ready to boil and use in making masato

Special masato made from purple cassava

When the cassava is soft, still steaming, it is time to mash it into a cream-colored paste. They may chew it, facilitating fermentation and the availability of sugars, or not. Sugar is another variable at the discretion of the maker. They mix this paste with abundant water and the previously grated ingredients. Finally, with all the ingredients incorporated, fermentation takes place. 

Rogelia Pizango stirring the pot with boiled cassavas to make the paste

Addition of grated sweet potato and water to the boiled cassava paste for fermentation

The aqueous medium and sugars create an ideal environment for the growth of yeasts and lactic acid bacteria responsible for alcoholic and lactic fermentation, respectively. While yeasts convert sugars into ethanol and carbon dioxide, giving the paste an alcoholic character, the bacteria transform sugars into lactic acid, causing a decrease in pH, favoring an acidic environment that contributes to its preservation and protection from undesirable contaminations. In the early fermentative stages, lactic acid bacteria prevail, increasing acidity. As the pH decreases, the environment becomes more selective. This leads yeasts to take on greater relevance, increasing alcohol production over time. Usually, masato contains between 2 and 6% ABV, a variable modified according to the alcoholic and acidic taste of each woman and family (Rebaza-Cardenas et al., 2021).

Rogelia Pizango straining the already fermented masato to serve in mocahuas

"If people say they don't care about fermentation, it's because they haven't thought about it. Because it impacts everyone's life. The masses, cheese, chocolate, wine. When you think about the biology of what happens in a pot, a jar, or a fermenter. Whatever it is. If you want it to keep functioning, you have to share it with someone. You have to give it to someone. You have to offer it." (David Zilber, 2024)

While we exchange mocahuas, the dialogue and learnings flow. As an observer, I watch the interactions between the men and women of the community and their relationship with the drink. Each woman serves her husband first, if he is in the same space. Then family members follow in order of age. It is also common to offer masato first to guests. Masato is always shared. As Daggett (1983) comments, "taking masato with someone is a significant sign of friendship among the chayahuita; anything else, like saying hello and chatting, seems very superficial if masato is not consumed."

Isidro Chanchari, herbalist and wise man of the Nuevo Progreso community drinking masato

The exchange is swift. Sometimes they drink in one gulp and return the mocahua to drink again. The occasion dresses the rest of the women in a red skirt, just like Fernanda. The pampanilla, as they call it, is the characteristic skirt with which masato is served in the communities of the Shawi people. 

Just like in Nuevo Progreso, in the Shawi community of the 10th of August, they welcome us with masato. The women arrive with their red pampanilla, and we start interacting. After the introductions, Rogelia Pizango, who opens the doors of her home with her husband Manuel, begins to offer full mocahuas, before and after going to the chacra. Back and waiting for food, spaces for conversation arise with the women. They tell me that masato is another family member. It is always present but becomes essential on certain occasions; in community work, during celebrations, showcasing hospitality, or as a symbol of friendship. It strengthens interpersonal relationships. Only if someone is on a diet, that is to say, feeling unwell, should they refrain from masato. 

I can verify what they tell me. Together with Mater and the women and mothers of the 10th of August community, we conduct a cooking workshop where we share recipes and flavors. Previously, along with Junior, we went in search of some ingredients to complete the dishes. So we passed by the house of Senaida Torres who offers us first two mocahuas and masato. We leave her house with a coconut, sacha culantro, a cidra, and the promise to visit her chacra when we return. Back at Rogelia's house, we stop to look for other ingredients at Carlota Mapuchi's house. First masato, then the rest. 

During cooking, we wash our mouths with masato. Also the preparations. As we drink and collaborate, I observe the laughter that has accompanied these days. Sharing too. And the shared laughter; not without masato.

"Masato, we understand, is about nurturing connections: between friends, family, and neighbors; between those who live now and those who came before; and between the people and their place, a landscape woven with threads of myth, history, and lived experience, laden with meaning" (Wingfield & Gilmore, 2019).   

I leave Loreto listening, attending, and assimilating. Wanting to keep tasting identities and sharing laughter. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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